বুধবার, ২৪ ফেব্রুয়ারী, ২০১৬

BJP, PDP Continue Talks On Key Issues

Talks between the senior leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are continuing on government formation, with specific issues being flagged on both sides for an agreement.
Top sources from both parties confirmed to The Hindu that the handover of two power projects currently under the National Hydro electric Power Corporation (NHPC) in Uri and Dulhasti has almost been agreed upon between the two parties, with the Centre agreeing to facilitate a stake sale from the NHPC to the Jammu and Kashmir government for a controlling interest in the power projects.
“The other major issue is the re-notification of Army-held land near Jammu airport and Tattoo Ground in Srinagar,” said a top source. “Negotiations are on in this matter,” the source added.
PDP leaders also confirmed that the former Finance Minister in the Mufti Mohammad Sayeed-led BJP-PDP government, Haseeb Drabu and adviser to the Mufti government, Dr. Amitabh Mattoo have been reaching out to Kashmiri students in universities in Delhi following the controversy in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU).
Reaches out to students
“The party has reached out to students individually, and the alliance partners have expressed their anxieties on this count to each other as well,” said a source.
On Sunday, PDP leader Mehbooba Mufti had given the strongest indication yet that her party and the BJP were back at the negotiating table over government formation, after the State slipped into Governor’s rule following the death of Sayeed in January.
Addressing a party convention in Srinagar on Sunday, Ms. Mufti had said that she had “faith in Allah and the decisions of Mufti Saheb” when it came to the alliance.
“When Mufti-sahib formed the [State] government with the BJP, he thought that if you can convince a leader who has come with such a [huge] mandate that India and Pakistan’s reconciliation is important to take Jammu and Kashmir out of this mess, he can do something because he has the power [numbers in Parliament] at his back,” she had said.

Former ISI Chief Admitted Pak Role In Mumbai Attack, Claims Ex-CIA Boss

Soon after the 2008 Mumbai terror attack, the then chief of Pakistan's ISI conceded that some of the powerful spy agency's retired members were engaged in training those involved in the heinous crime but refused to take action, a former CIA chief has said in a new book.
In his latest book 'Playing to the Edge', Michael Hayden, the former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director, expressed his deep frustration of the "duplicity" of the Pakistani leadership when it came to taking action against terrorist groups in particular al Qaeda, Taliban, LeT and the Haqqani network.
Arguing that the Pakistan Army is built to fight against India and not terrorists, the top leadership in the country, in particularly those from its military in the past one decade, have repeatedly expressed its inability to take on the terrorist groups in the tribal regions as desired by the US, he wrote.
Referring to the Mumbai terrorist attack, Hayden, who was the CIA chief till 2009, said it was very clear that there seemed to be so many Pakistani fingerprints on the atrocity.
"I began routinely harassing my counterpart in Pakistan, now Ahmed Shuja Pasha (the former director general of Military Operations, the Pakistan Army`s top operational post), on the phone, urging him to get to the bottom of the attack and to discuss it frankly with us," he wrote.
"We had no doubt that the attack was the work of LeT, and there was mounting evidence that preparation for and direction of the attack took place from within Pakistan, where LeT enjoyed the protection and support of ISI," Hayden said.
Pasha, who had come to ISI only a few weeks earlier and had no previous intelligence experience, came to the US on Christmas Day and spent most of the next afternoon in his office.
"He worked carefully from notes. His investigation had revealed that some former ISI members were involved with Lashkar-e-Toiba (no surprise there). Pasha admitted that these unspecified (and still uncaptured) retirees may have engaged in some broad training of the attackers, but he was characteristically vague about any detailed direction the attackers had gotten during the attack via cell phone from Pakistan," Hayden wrote in the book.
"I took to passing sufficiently sanitised intelligence to Pasha on what we believed was going on in order to try to goad him into action. If he knew that we knew...Perhaps we could get some movement. We didn't have a whole lot of success," Hayden wrote.
Narrating an incident when the then Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf refused to fill up gas in the airplane that flew him to Islamabad, where he had gone to press him to take action against terrorists, Hayden wrote: "One more bit of evidence that these guys really were the ally from hell".
The crew had forgotten their government credit card, you can't make this stuff up and the Pakistanis wouldn't budge, he wrote.
Musharraf refused to take action, despite some crucial evidence being provided to him.
"And every time he was pressed, the response was his Army was built to fight India, not tribal insurgents, and he wasn`t going to bleed it in Waziristan`s mountains chasing Pashtun, Uzbek or Arab jihadists," Hayden said.
The US received similar response from other leaders of the Pakistan Army including General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani and the ISI's chiefs, he said.
"(The then) ISI chief Ashfaq Kayani didn`t say anything to ease our concerns when he reported that there was little prospect of the Pakistani military conducting robust ops in the tribal region. He said that it was less a matter of will than of capacity. His army was certainly India-focused," Hayden wrote.
"Indeed, one senior Pakistani official told me that his was the only army in the world that sized the perception of the threat (India) to meet the desired end strength of the military. So PAKMIL was big, artillery heavy, and road bound and ill-suited to navigating mountain trails or dealing with insurgents," Hayden says in the book.
"When the US government presented Pakistani officials with intelligence that pinpointed an al-Qaeda leader and a plan of action to 'take him off the battlefield'", the response was "no, maddening delay, or our target suddenly and unexpectedly relocated".
Many Pakistanis viewed LeT (like the Haqqani network and the Taliban) as some sort of strategic reserve rather than the strategic liability and regional danger they really were, he wrote.
Hayden said in his view, the United States will need to keep this capacity and be willing to use it.
"Islamist terrorism thrives in places - Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen, Syria, Libya, Mali, the list goes on - where governments cannot or will not act. In some of these instances, the United States must," he argued.


PTI

This Kashmir Village Refused To Burry Terrorists

There were protests in support of terrorists during and after the Pampore attack in Jammu and Kashmir that ended on Monday. But over 100 km away from the encounter site, a village near the Line of Control has taken a unusual stand and defied what several others did in Pampore and adjacent areas.
Bonyar village near the LOC refused to bury the bodies of the three terrorists killed in the encounter. The villages say they will not allow a graveyard for terrorists to come up in the village because it could influence their children.
Late on Monday evening, when police took bodies of three Lashkar-e-Toiba terrorists to Bonyar for the funeral, the villagers resisted and forced police to bury the bodies at an undisclosed location away from the village.
"We appeal to the government to find some alternate place for burial of militants. This is a peaceful area. If you bury them here, someone from this village can join militancy," said Bashir Ahmad, a villager from Bonyar.
But, there was complete shut down in Pampore town and nearby areas as people demanded the bodies of the terrorists to perform their last rites. On Monday, while the 48-hour encounter between the Lashkar men and security forces was on, crowds began shouting pro-Azadi slogans.
For last few months, the police have not been handing over bodies of Pakistani terrorists to locals because thousands attend their funerals and give them heroes' burials. Instead, they now give them a silent burial, away from the public gaze.  
"Why they are choosing Bonyar for burial of militants? It is close to the border and no one from this village has become a militant. The government is dragging us into this problem," said Nadeem Khwaja. "When these dead bodies arrive here, our children get to know about militancy. They can go to Pakistan and create problems for us," said Bilal Ahmad.
The LOC village is heavily dominated by the army and there is very little or no support for separatism. Bonyar and Pampore present two different pictures of the valley and both are part of the complex reality of Kashmir.